Williamson Thaxton (< Thomas <
Abel?)
Williamson
Thaxton was the first child born to Thomas Thaxton and Hannah Williamson. He
was born about 1808 in Pendleton
District, South Carolina.
Williamson's birthdate is estimated from several sources. In her Revolutionary
War pension application, Hannah Williamson Thaxton appeared to name all of her
children in chronological order. She began with Williamson, and listed another
child between Williamson and his brother Thomas Thaxton Jr., who was born about
1812. 1808 would be consistent with Thomas and Hannah's marriage date (19 May
1807), and with census records of Thomas Thaxton in 1810 and 1820, and
Williamson Thaxton in 1830.
The location of
Williamson's birth is assumed from the fact that, according to Hannah’s pension
application, she and Thomas Thaxton lived in Pendleton District from the time
of their marriage until about 1811.
Williamson
Thaxton married Mary Ann Sherry 23 May 1829 in Allen Co., Kentucky. According to earlier Thaxton
researchers, Mary Ann was born 27 Jan 1809 in Rutherford Co., North Carolina, a daughter of Richard Sherry
and Martha McKenney. Census records confirm that Mary Ann was born in North Carolina, and in 1880, she indicated that her
parents were both born in North
Carolina as well. (1880 Davis Co., Utah, Farmington
Precinct)
Williamson and
family were still living in Allen Co., Kentucky,
as of the 1830 census. Shortly afterward, however, they moved to Illinois, locating in Fulton County.
In Illinois,
the winter of 1830-31 was known as the "winter of the deep snow": It
is said that the winter was a mild one till Christmas. During the Christmas
holidays a snow storm began and for nine weeks, almost every day, it snowed.
The snow melted little or none and was found to be more than three feet on
average. It was, however, drifted very badly in some places. The old fashioned
"stake and rider" fences were buried in many places with the drifted
snow. The long country lanes were covered over so that no sign of the road was
left. On top of this snow fell rain and sleet and formed such a crust that
people and stock might walk on top of the snow. The birds and small game
suffered very much for want of food, while larger wild game became very tame.
(A History
of Southern Illinois, George Washington Smith, 1912, I:182). 1 In April 1832, Sac & Fox Indian chief Black Hawk
and a band of followers crossed the Mississippi River into Illinois. The crossing was in violation of a
treaty entered into the year before, and Black Hawk's intent was presumed to be
hostile. Illinois Governor John Reynolds issued a call for volunteers,
accompanied by a circular letter sent out through central Illinois by special courier:
Fellow citizens: Your
country requires your service. The Indians have assumed a hostile attitude and
invaded the State in violation of the treaty of last summer. The British band
of Sacs, and other hostile Indians, are in possession of the country on Rock river, to the great terror of the frontier
inhabitants, and I consider the settlers in imminent danger. Under these
circumstances I have not hestitated what course I should pursue. No citizen
ought to remain inactive when his country is invaded and the helpless part of
the community is in danger. I have called out a strong detachment of militia to
rendezvous at Beardstown on the 22d inst. Provisions for the men and food for
the horses will be furnished in abundance. I hope my countrymen will realize my
expectations, and offer their services as heretofore, with promptitude and
cheerfulness, in defense of their country.
(The Sauks and the Black
Hawk War, Perry A. Armstrong, 1887, p. 295).
A week later, on 23 Apr
1832, Governor Reynolds issued orders to Elias Foster of Fulton County:
"You are hereby commanded to raise one other Company of fifty mounted men,
volunteers out of the County of Fulton--said Company to elect its own officers
and march forthwith and report to Gen Stillman acting as major of said Corps.
If said Company cannot be raised by volunteering then a draft of that number
must be made." (John Reynolds: Orders, 23 Apr 1832, reproduced in The
Black Hawk War 1831-1832 Volume II, Collections of the Illinois State
Historical Library, Vol. XXXVI, p. 299, hereinafter "The Black Hawk
War").
Foster began efforts to
raise the men, but as an assistant noted a few days later, "we find it
difficult to procure horses & Saddles & Bridles--but can get men
without
2 horses. Our frontiers are still without the complement
of men & if you think proper of pressing horses we can raise another
company. The words 'to press horses' will have some wait with the citizens. .
." (Correspondence, Thomas W. Taylor to John Reynolds, 25 Apr 1832,
reproduced in The Black Hawk War, p. 312). The governor responded that
"footmen will be received into service in the place of mounted men, if
horse men cannot be had." (John Reynolds: Orders, 26 Apr 1832, The
Black Hawk War, p. 315).
In Fulton County,
Williamson Thaxton enlisted, along with about two dozen others. His company was
formally mustered in April 28, 1832, commanded by Captain Asel F. Ball. The men
prepared to join the command of Colonel Isaiah Stillman, who wrote Foster the
following day: "Have your Regt in readiness--warm work is expected." (Correspondence
from Isiah Stillman to Elias Foster, 29 Apr 1832, The Black Hawk War, p. 332). The
Fulton County men left to join the other
volunteers. The troops then marched toward Dixon's Ferry, arriving on 10 May 1832. Just
a few days later, Williamson and his fellow company members became involved in
a watershed event of the war, unfortunately known in history as
"Stillman's defeat."
One writer has observed,
"the Black Hawk War might have been avoided at any time up to and
including the evening of May the fourteenth, 1832." (The Black Hawk
War, p. 51). Many different versions of that controversial engagement have
been written, some assigning blame to the army commanders, some to the militia,
and some to Black Hawk. One commentator, noting that "we then had neither
railroads nor telegraphs, nor even stage coaches," resulting in delay in
communication of Governor Reynold's order, suggests that "For the
promptitude with which Majors Bailey and Stillman responded to this order, and
in making the necessary preparations to start to the places they were
3 ordered without military stores, transportation,
ammunition or provisions, these officers are entitled to the highest praise.
Indeed, their performances in that regard are almost unparalleled, and had they
have had a better understanding between themselves, and time to drill and properly
instruct their men, Stillman's defeat would never have occurred." (The
Sauks and the Black Hawk War, p. 303).
Another writer concludes
that Governor Reynolds yielded to clamoring for action from the volunteers:
Many attribute the
cause of that disaster to [Major Stillman's] lack of judgment and eagerness to
meet the foe when really he was forced to go against his will and better
judgment. The soldiers became impatient to rout the Indians, and Gov. Reynolds
ordered Major Stillman with his command to move on and meet them. This he
objected to doing, saying with his small force of raw militia he could only
meet with defeat. The Governor urged him, and then he asked to have Capt. Henry
of Springfield
to accompany him, which he refused to do; and it only remained for Major
Stillman to obey the orders of his superior. His men were undisciplined, and
many of them had just came from the East and South and had never seen an
Indian, and none were familiar with the Indian mode of warfare.
* * *
The steady, careful
movements of the regulars made the volunteers very impatient, and the latter
were also exceedingly anxious to obtain the laurels to be won. The men under
command of Major Stillman were particularly anxious to "ketch" the
Indians before they could get away. They said the regulars would come crawling
along, stuffing themselves with beef, and the Indians would never be
"ketched." The officers yielded to the impatience and jealousy of the
men, and requested Governor Reynolds to let them go out and reconnoitre the
country and find the Indians. Captain Eads, from Peoria, insisted very strongly that they
should be allowed to go. The other captains all volunteered, for they did not
wish to be termed cowards. The question with them was not whether the matter
was prudent and necessary, but whether they dared to go. Major Stillman
consented to go, against his better judgment. He asked Mr. John Dixon's
opinion, and the latter told him very decidedly that the business of
"ketching" the Indians would prove very disastrous for a little force
of less than three hundred men. Major Stillman then said that as all his
officers and men were determined to go, he must lead them if it cost him his
life.
(History of Fulton
County, pp. 291-92). 4 Others state
that Stillman and another commander "begged to be put upon some dangerous
service, in which they could distinguish themselves." (The Sauks and
the Black Hawk War, p. 311). Whatever the impetus, Governor Reynolds issued
an order on Saturday evening, May 12, 1832: "Maj. Stillman--You will cause
the troops under your immediate command, the battalion under Maj. Bailey, to
proceed without delay to the head of Old Man's Creek, where it is supposed
there are some hostile Indians, and coerce them into subjection." (The
Sauks and the Black Hawk War, p. 312).
Stillman had about 145 men
in his command, and Bailey less then 100. With additional volunteers, the
complement was approximately 275 men.
With commendable
promptitude, Major Stillman (who by the Governor's order was the commanding officer
much to the mortification of Maj. Bailey) began his arrangements for his
expedition, and bent his energies to start on the next day, Sunday though it
was. He succeeded in obtaining an ox team and wagon to transport his supplies
and camp equipments. Among other supplies he provided two barrels of whiskey,
at that time considered indispensable. These were loaded with rations for a
five days campaign on an old fashioned schooner-shaped, stiff-tongued Pennsylvania wagon, with
two yoke of oxen attached as the motor power.
* * *
A start was made on
Sunday towards Old Man's Creek, moving up along the south bank of Rock river. Without seeing or hearing of an Indian or
meeting with any mishap, they reached the end of their first day's journey, and
encamped for the night near the dividing line between what are now Lee and Ogle
counties. Between story telling, song-singing, and a good time generally, they
retired late and slept late the next morning, and therefore were late in
starting the next day. Start they did, but ere they reached what was then
called Hickory Creek, (miscalled Sycamore by some writers) but now called
Stillman's Run, they struck swampy land, of that decidedly treacherous
character known as quick sand, where their supply-wagon sank down to the axles,
and there it persisted in remaining. They were in a decidedly bad box. Their
provisions they could carry, but their precious whiskey they could not, and it
must not be left to tickle the thirsty throats of the savages. Canteens or
other conveniences for carrying it with them they had not. Some of them had tin
cups which afforded goblets to drink from, but they could not carry the liquor
in these. Ever 5 equal to the emergency,
these mounted volunteers determined to save their liquor, and at the same time
preserve their spirits by turning spirits down, and therefore proceeded to
carry their whiskey in their stomachs. In this way they emptied the barrels and
filled their stomachs with the vile stuff, which maddened their brains and
robbed them of their reason and prudence. There were, of course, many
exceptions to this general condition. Some there were among them who neither
touched, tasted or handled the soul-damning stuff. A considerable number,
however, were decidedly demoralized, if not shamefully drunk, and alike
reckless of what they did or said.
(The Sauks and the Black
Hawk War, pp. 313-14).
A member of Williamson's
company later wrote, "It has been intimated by many of the main army, that
intoxication and cowardice were the causes of our defeat. To such I would say,
do better yourselves before you boast. It is true there was, perhaps, one case
of inebriation. On our march about ten miles from Sycamore, it was found that
the baggage wagon was too heavy. One barrel of whiskey was therefore, unheaded
and all our canteens filled. A quantity was still left which could not be lost,
and was finally saved in a summary way. Stillman, it is true has been censured
for his defeat,--but was any officer ever praised for a defeat?" (Letter
from Andrew H. Maxfield to the Sangamo Journal, reproduced in The Black Hawk
War, p. 564).
Having disposed of the
whiskey, they proceeded on their march up Rock river in a wriggling kind of
serpentine line, until they arrived at a small run or creek taking its rise in
White Rock township, in Ogle county, running thence north about ten miles,
thence east to Rock river, slightly above the present village of Byron.
Reaching this small creek about sun-set, Maj. Stillman, finding wood, water and
grass, pitched his camp on the small strip of bottom land on its north bank.
Both sides of this creek were lined and studded with small trees and hazel
brush, with larger trees on the bottom land. Here these raw militia fastened
their horses to stumps, stubs, and trees, and commenced to kindle camp fires to
cook their suppers, unmindful that they were in danger of an attack from the
ever watchful Black Hawk, whom they were seeking, and to their sorrow found.
(The Sauks and the Black
Hawk War, p. 314).
6 Black Hawk later wrote that, having learned of the
presence of Stillman's men within a few miles of his camp, he sent three men
with a white flag truce to invite Stillman to talk with him. He sent five other
riders to observe the troops' response.
When Maj. Stillman's
battalion was first seen by the Indian spy, it was marching across the
prairies, but had gone into camp when the flag-bearers arrived, and were
preparing their suppers. On seeing these three Indians approaching, a large
number of the volunteers, without orders, dashed wildly towards them,
regardless alike that they were unarmed and protected by the sacredness of a
white flag, rushed upon, surrounded and captured all of them and led them into
camp, where, through one of their number, who had, some years before, lived
with Black Hawk and learned to speak their language, they interrogated these
prisoners as to where the chief then was, and the strength of his army, etc.
(The Sauks and the Black
Hawk War, p. 315).
The Indians being
questioned reportedly said, "'Me good Pottawatomie," but pointed over
the hill and said, 'Heap of Sac.'" (History of Fulton County, p. 293). That
may have contributed to erroneous assumptions when Stillman’s men saw Black
Hawk’s other warriors observing them from a distance.
While putting these
three Indians through the pumping process, the five mounted Indians were seen
drawn up on the bluff, about a mile off, when Capt. Eades, with his entire
company, mounted their horses and dashed away towards them, followed by a
disorderly mob of undrilled, would-be soldiers. These Indians remained until
fired upon by the oncoming militia, when they gave way, and started at the top
of their ponies' speed for Black Hawk's camp, hotly pursued by the
wildly-excited militia, whose horses were longer winded than the fleet little
ponies of the Indians, and soon began to gain on them. Two of the five Indians
were overtaken and killed before they reached the skirt of timber near Black
Hawk's camp. The foremost of the pursuing volunteers halted as they came to the
edge of the timber, as if irresolute, and waited for the stragglers to come up,
thus giving the three fleeing Indians time to reach their camp and report the
facts.
(The Sauks and the Black
Hawk War, p. 315).
Andrew Maxfield, a member
of Williamson's company, later described the unfortunate sequence of events
that occurred next:
7 Sunday the 13th of May, was dark and unpropitious. The
rain fell in torrents, and wringing wet, our force was at an early hour on the
march. On the following morning we found ourselves ten miles from the Governor,
beneath a clear sky. The same sun saw us on the upper side of Sycamore creek,
two miles from Rock river, and thirty five from Dixon's. The sun was perhaps an hour high
when we made a halt for the night. After some time was spent in the
preliminaries of encampment, we observed a party of 8 or 10 mounted men, about
half a mile distant to the north on an eminence.
Some said they were
Indians, some that they were our advanced guard. Believing them to be the
enemy, I instantly had my horse caparisoned for pursuit. Here stronger
arguments rose, and being ridiculed for my credulity, I stript my horse and
turned him loose. Instantly we observed an officer in full speed toward us, and
heard the ominous word, parade! parade!! The officer alluded to, was Lieut. A.
Gridley of Bloomington,
Mc'Lane county, in whom are combined the gentleman and the soldier. I was
instantly mounted with about five or six others, and rode with rapid strides in
the direction of the enemy, who instantly disappeared, behind the hill. At the
foot of this eminence we passed capt. Covel, with two prisoners mounted.
After a pursuit of
about five miles up Rock river, we overtook
the fugitives, and found them armed with bows and arrows, spears and rifles. At
the further edge of a ravine, about 40 rods wide, we recognized a red flag, and
ordered them to surrender. This order being disobeyed we fired and brought down
three Indians and one poney.
(Letter from Andrew H.
Maxfield to the Sangamo Journal).
Black Hawk then gathered
his warriors together to repulse the oncoming troops. Williamson's fellow
soldier wrote:
The Indians now
rallied to the number of about 30, and moved towards us with moderation. We
then fell back across the ravine till we were reinforced by about as many
whites. The brave and intrepid coolness displayed by Lieut. Gridley on this
occasion, deserves a high eulogy. After much exertion he succeeded in forming
the ranks to await the approaching shock of battle. Soon after this we were
joined by the main body under Gen. Stillman. Night was now closing fast around
us, and as it was not supposed that any great body of Indians were in that
vicinity we recrossed the bog and formed a line of battle. A deputation bearing
a white flag, was seen advancing, and capt. Eads. of Peoria, with two or three other individuals
rode forward. At this the flag receded till capt. Eads was drawn into an
ambuscade, from which he narrowly escaped. It
8 was now known that this sham was only to give the
Indians time to send out their flanks. Stillman now saw his error in crossing
the slough, and therefore gave orders to retreat and form on an eminence, about
one mile in the rear. The Indians were now seen by the glimmering moon light,
on three sides like swarms of summer insects. Our lines were never again
formed. Some companies formed and fired, and were thrown into confusion by the
retreat of others. A general retreat now followed, and all the exertion of
officers was insufficient to arrest the flight. Stillman's last order was to retreat
over Sycamore creek, and make a stand on the hill beyond. This order also was
disobeyed, and no further orders were given. I remained on the bank of the
creek till most of the army had passed. Our camp then resounded as though five
hundred men were under the torture of the tomahawk and scalping of the knife.
This noise was undoubtedly made by the Indians as none of the whites were
killed at this place.
(Id.)
"The Indians poured
out of the timber, to the front, right and left, and both parties commenced
firing; but the whites were in such bad order that those in the rear were in
danger of shooting those in front. The Indians came on whooping, yelling and
firing, and encircled around on both sides. Major Stillman ordered his men to
mount and retreat and form a line across the creek, and also ordered them to
break the line of the Indians on the left. Here was confusion, and one veteran
says they did not go to the right or to the left but right straight for home.
When they arrived at the creek great effort was made by the officers to halt
their men and fight. The brave Capt. Adams cried out to his men, 'Come back,
you cowards, and we will whip them.'" (History of Fulton County, p.
293). However, "[n]either Stillman nor his command were natural
cowards. Indeed, his command embraced many of the very best and bravest men of
the State. It was not what they saw but what they felt that did
the mischief." (The Sauks and the Black Hawk War, p. 337).
Williamson's comrade
observed, "Before I left the camp I heard orders given by some man to
'kill those d----d Indian prisoners.' There had been one brought in
9 subsequent to the two taken by capt. Covel. I heard a
musket, a death groan, and saw one tumble over the guard fire, the others I
believe were killed, but I did not see it. The pursuit was kept up for ten
miles from Sycamore in perfect flanking order, and without confusion as the
whole route was prairie, except the spot on which we encamped." (Letter
from Andrew H. Maxfield to the Sangamo Journal).
Eleven of the Illinois volunteers were
killed during the encounter, including a private in Williamson's company.
Survivors began arriving at Dixon's
Ferry about 1:00 a.m. "The dreadful news which these men brought from the
scene of carnage filled the army with terror and gloom. The entire army, or at
least two thousand five hundred men, proceeded to the scene of the defeat. They
buried eleven of Major Stillman's men. It seems that when the Indians had
followed the retreating army some distance, they returned and mutilated the
bodies of Captain Adams' men and later went to the camp, broke the spokes from
the wagons, poured out a keg of whiskey, destroyed the provisions, and returned
to their camp." (History of Southern Illinois, p. 187). The fallen
volunteers were buried, "without coffins or shrouds, in the same common
grave." (The Sauks and the Black Hawk War, p. 371).
Word of Stillman's defeat
spread rapidly throughout the country. Governor Reynolds issued another call
for volunteers: "To the militia of Illinois--It
becomes my duty again to call on you for your services in defense of your
country. The State is not only invaded by hostile Indians, but many of your
citizens have been slain in battle. A detachment of two hundred and
seventy-five mounted volunteers, commanded by Maj. Stillman, were overpowered
by hostile Indians, on Sycamore creek, distant from this place about thirty
miles, and a considerable number of them killed. . . " (The Sauks and
10 the Black Hawk War, p. 332). Many of the enlisted volunteers became disenchanted
and indicated their intent to return to their homes. "When the governor
became aware of the demoralized spirit of the army he ordered them to march to Ottawa where they were
discharged." (History of Southern Illinois, p. 187).
Williamson was mustered out
with the rest of his company at Ottawa
two weeks later, on 28 May 1832. He reported $5.50 in property lost in battle.
Meanwhile, Governor Reynolds was concerned that the state would be left
undefended until his most recent call for troops came to bear. "During
Sunday afternoon, as company after company were drawn up and mustered out, Gov.
Reynolds, who, with all his faults, had many virtues, for he was truly a
noble-hearted man, mounted an empty whisky barrel and appealed to these men by the
love they bore their wives and children--by their humanity, honor and
patriotism in behalf of the women and children of the frontier--to re-enlist
for twenty days for their protection, until the new recruits under his second
call (May 15) for 2,000 men, should relieve them." (The Sauks and the
Black Hawk War, p. 379).
Williamson re-enlisted in
June 1832 in Capt. Asel F. Ball's company, now part of Major Samuel Bogart's
Odd Battalion of Mounted Rangers.
These two battles
[Stillman’s Run and Indian Creek] prompted the United States to commit 800 more
regular soldiers and a hastily formed company of rangers, under Major Bogart,
to assist the largely militia force that had gathered to fight Black Hawk. The
rangers were, once again, to patrol northern Illinois. One of the short term militia
soldiers who was called up at this time was a Springfield lawyer named Abraham Lincoln.
Elite Warriors, 300
Years of America’s Best Fighting Troops,
Lance Q. Zedric, Michael F. Dilley, 1996, p. 81.
The war effectively came to an end with the battle of
Bad Axe on 02 Aug 1832. Williamson was mustered out with the rest of his
company on 04 Sep 1832.
11 Although the Black Hawk War was relatively brief and
involved only about 2,500 troops, a surprising number of well-known persons participated,
including three future presidents, Abraham Lincoln, Andrew Jackson, Zachary
Taylor, the future president of the Confederacy, Jefferson Davis, future
generals Winfield Scott, Albert Sidney Johnston, Robert Anderson, Phillip
Kearney, and future governors Thomas Ford, Thomas Carlin, Joseph Duncan, Zadok
Casey, and Stinson H. Anderson of Illinois and Henry Dodge of Wisconsin.
A few years after Williamson's service in the Black
Hawk War, he and Mary Ann apparently moved to northwest Missouri. Williamson's son Richard Thaxton
stated on several occasions that he was born in Monroe Co., Missouri, 04 Jan 1837.1 The birth of
his son is the last record we have of Williamson Thaxton.
Several theories have been offered regarding the
disappearance of Williamson Thaxton. His great-grandson, George F. Millett,
recorded the various accounts in his extensive research on the Thaxton family:
It is said by some members of the family
that Williamson Thaxton and his wife Mary Ann Sherry came or started west with
the Saints [Mormons] and got as far as Winter Quarters (Omaha Nebraska) and
there it seems Williamson Thaxton left his wife and two sons and was supposed
to go back to assist other Saints to Winter Quarters but was never heard of
after whatever became of him no one seems to know. His wife Mary Ann Sherry
came on with a colony of Saints to the Salt Lake Valley & there in the
Endowment House in Salt Lake City she and James Watton were married received
their Endowment & were sealed for time and eternity. It seems Mary Ann
(Sherry) Thaxton felt that her husband Williamson Thaxton deserted her and the
two boys James Williamson and Richard.
There is another report stating that
Williamson Thaxton while living in Mo.
left his home early one morning before breakfast to go collect a bill
1A couple of records indicate a birth date of 1839 for
Richard. For example, the Genealogy of the Presidents and Members of the Fifty
Sixth Quorum of Seventies states "Sep 8 - 39". However, most records
indicate the 1837 date.
12 that was owing to him and was never afterwards heard
of. James Williamson Thaxton was then taken to raise by one of his uncles on
his mothers side (a Sherry) & work on a large Tobacco farm in Ky but that
James & his cousins could not get along on the farm together. James W.
left.
. . . There are many stories concerning
this family but we are unable to determine whatever became of Williamson
Thaxton. This is now July 7 - 1943 & we have consulted many books &
county records for a number of years and to date we have learned nothing we
could rely on as being authentic that we are certain of.
There is also another story stating this
separation of Williamson Thaxton & his wife Mary Ann Sherry took place in
or about St Louis Missouri and after living for some time a widow in St. Louis
Mo. Mrs. Thaxton married Mr. James Watton & went west with a hand cart
company of the Saints to Salt Lake City & there in the Endowment House she
& Mr. Watton were sealed in the year 1855 by Pres. Brigham Young.
Another great-grandchild, Della Thaxton Tippetts,
heard a similar version: "They had James William and Richard Cantley
Thaxton [and] 'two sons infants names not given.' The parents separated the
mother remarried and came west." (Correspondence from Della Thaxton
Tippetts to W. G. McDonough, 1951).
We have not been able to determine the circumstances
under which Williamson left the family. However, available information suggests
that the last-mentioned theory may be closest to the truth. It is doubtful that
Williamson was ever a member of the LDS
Church. A review of
extensive records available for early Mormons fails to disclose any mention of
him. (However, Williamson and Mary Ann were in Monroe Co., Missouri during the mid-1830s, during which
time an estimated five to ten percent of the county's population was Mormon. At
that time, more than fifteen Mormon families resided in Monroe
County, including that of James and
Elizabeth Allred, with whom Mary Ann and her children were later associated in Iowa and Utah.
(Mormon Land Ownership As a
13
2 Although William Thaxton’s age is stated as 40 / 41 when he
enrolled in Co. E of the 129th Indiana Regiment in 1864, it clearly appears to
be the same William born 1808. He enlisted in the same county as his son Samuel
M. Thaxton. He gave his residence as Elkhart Co., Indiana, in which he and
other members of his family lived at various times, and which shared a border
with Berrien Co., Michigan.
And there was no other William Thaxton in the area at the time, let alone one
born in South Carolina.
Union Army recruits were supposed to be under 45, but ages were often fudged to
get around the restriction. We also note that there is a gap in William’s known
children between 1863 and 1868, and William was gone for most of 1864 and 1865,
not returning home until several months after the war ended due to illness.
Factor in Evaluating the Extent of Mormon Settlements
and Influence in Missouri 1831-1841, thesis by Wayne J. Lewis, Brigham Young
University, 1981, p. 46).)
We believe that Williamson Thaxton and Mary Ann
separated in 1837, that Williamson moved to St. Joseph Co., Indiana at that
time, remarried, had a family under the name William Thaxton, and later died in
Berrien Co., Michigan.
Our reasons for believing that “Williamson Thaxton” and “William Thaxton” of
Indiana/Michigan are one and the same include:
Williamson
Thaxton was born in Pendleton District,
South Carolina, about 1808.
William Thaxton was born in Pendleton
District, South Carolina,
about 1808. William’s birth place in the 1860 and 1870 censuses is listed as South Carolina, and in
his Civil War enrollment, William stated that he was born in Pendleton, South
Carolina.2
The only Thaxton
family in Pendleton District,
South Carolina, in 1800 and 1810
was that of Thomas Thaxton, father of Williamson Thaxton. We have also
eliminated most other Thaxton families in other areas of South Carolina during that period.
14
3Interestingly, the transcription of this marriage, which is the
only copy we have been able to find, lists him as “William Phthaxton.” We
wonder if the original handwritten record actually read Williamson Thaxton but
was misread by the transcriber, or if the original reporter misheard
“Williamson Thaxton” and wrote it phonetically.
Our last known
record of Williamson Thaxton is the birth of his son Richard in January 1837.
Our first record of William Thaxton is his marriage in August 1837.3
We know that the
separation occurred prior to the family heading west, since Mary Ann remarried
in St. Louis in 1849, then went to Iowa and on to Utah
in 1852. That it was a separation rather than a death may also be suggested by
the fact that Mary Ann’s family waited until her death in 1886 to baptize
Williamson. (In the LDS
Church, baptisms are at
times done by proxy, and may include persons who are deceased.)
There is no
duplication in the names of Williamson and William’s children.
While serving in
the Black Hawk War of 1832, Williamson spent time in the Lake
Michigan area not far from the Michiana area in which William
Thaxton settled a few years later.
Mary Ann Sherry, James William Thaxton, and Richard
Cantley Thaxton were all baptized into the LDS Church
in 1849 or 1850. (Sealing record of Mary Ann Sherry; Genealogy of Members of
the Quorum of the Seventies, 48th Quorums; Record of Members, Rockville, Utah).
Mary Ann married James Watton 16 Apr 1849 in St. Louis, Missouri.
(Marriage record). James Watton was born 03 May 1801 in Warwick, England,
a son of John Watton and Elizabeth Toronto. (Record of Members, Davis Stake,
Book B, p. 104).
15 The marriage of Mary Ann and James in St.
Louis was performed by Nathaniel H. Felt, who presided over the LDS
congregation in St. Louis
from 1847 through 1849. ("The Mormons in St. Louis," Our Pioneer Heritage, Vol.
5, pp. 441, 444). St. Louis was "one of
the gathering places for Church members driven from Nauvoo and also converts
from foreign lands coming by way of New
Orleans. Upon [Felt] devolved almost entirely the
responsibility of advising these Saints, purchasing outfits and supplies for
them, and chartering the necessary vessels to take them to Kanesville, Iowa."
(Id., p. 445).
Mary Ann and James Watton were among those who went to
Kanesville. Within a year of their marriage, James and Mary Ann had relocated
to Pottawotamie Co., Iowa, along with other
Mormons waiting to remove to the growing Mormon settlement in Utah. (1850 Pottawotamie Co., Iowa, p. 94). In
September 1850, James and Mary Ann's household included both of Mary Ann's
living children, James and Richard Thaxton. They lived next to James Watton's
daughter and son-in-law, Eliza and Telemachus Rogers. The Watton and Rogers
families travelled together from Missouri to Iowa and, eventually, to Utah.
The Wattons and Rogers were again reported as
neighbors in the 1851 census of Pottawotamie
County. By that time,
James Thaxton had apparently left; Richard remained with his mother and
step-father. (1851 Pottawotamie Co., Iowa;
Pottawotamie Co., Iowa,
Council Point Branch Record of Members, 1850-52).
James, Mary Ann, and Richard were listed again in the
1852 state census of Pottawatomie
County. In June of that
year, after several months of planning by group elders, James Watton, Mary Ann,
and Richard Thaxton left with an emigration company
16 on a trek from Pottawotamie Co., Iowa,
to Utah. A
contemporaneous account of the journey was kept by George Bowering, who was
elected clerk by the other members of the group. Bowering made the trip in the
same wagons as James Watton and Telemachus Rogers. Excerpts from A Journal of
the Emigration Company of Council Point, Pottawatamie County Iowa In the summer
of 1852, provide an invaluable account of the company and its trek to Utah from June 4 through
September 15, 1852.
Friday November 28th 1851. Council Point
Branch of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Was visited this
evening by one of the Twelve Apostles Ezra T. Benson, and his assistant Elder
Thomas McKenzie. Elder Ezra T. Benson is one of the deligates that was
appointed by the Authorities of the Church in company with President Orson Hide
and Elder Jedekiah H. Grant as Agents for the Emigrating Fund, to see to the
gathering of the poor and superintend the Emigration the coming season and
exert themselves in pushing the Saints unto the Valley.
In the meeting, McKenzie read an announcement from
Brigham Young and his councillors exhorting the members in Iowa
to come to Utah:
To all the Saints in Pottawatamie,
Beloved, Brethren: We send unto you our
beloved brethren, Ezra T. Benson and Jedekiah M. Grant, for thespecial purpose
of counselling and assisting you to come to this place, and we desire you to
give heed unto their counsel in all things and come to this place with them
next season; and fail not. Come all ye officers of the Church, and all ye
officers in the State or county. There is no more time for Saints to hesitate
what course they will pursue. We have been calling to the Saints in
Pottawatamie ever since we left them to come away; but there has continually
been an opposing spirit, whispering, as it were-stay another year, and get
better fit-out, untill many who had means to come conveniently have nothing
left to come with, even as a former Prophet said, "if a man will not
gather when he has the chance, he will be afflicted with the Devil." His
property will go to waste, his family fall by sickness, and destruction and
misery will be on his path; even so has it been with some of you, and soon will
it be with more of you, if you do not hearken to this call and come away. What
are you waiting for? Have you any excuse for not coming. No! you have all of
you, unitedly, a far better chance than we had when we started as Pioneers to
find this place; you have better teams and more of them. You have as good food
and more of it; you have as much natural strength as we
17 have had to come; our women and children have walked
here, and been blessed in walking here, and barefoot too, only as they could
occasionally get a skin from the Indians to make a moccasin, and can you not do
the same? You can. And we say again, come home! And if you can get one good
wagon and team to five families, and five teams to 100 souls; or no teams at
all, more than cows and calves to your handcarts, you can come here with
greater comfort and safety when the Pioneers come here they had nothing to come
to: while you will have everything; and here is the place for all the Saints to
get their fitout for Zion, even from all nations, therefore we say again, Arise
and Come home. Elder Hide will return to your place with Brs. Benson and Grant,
and act in his calling as usual; but you must not depend too much on him, for
he has his private affairs to settle and prepare to bring on his family, and
come with you; and we have sent Brs. Benson and Grant to bless you, and counsel
you and relieve Br. Hide. Therefore we wish you to evacuate Pottawatamie, and
the States, and next fall be with us all ye saints of the Most High, and it
shall be well with you if you will keep all the commandments. Oh ye Saints give
not your heritage to reproach, neither sell your improvements for their value
or give them into the hands of those you shall be counseled to for the benifit
of the poor Saints who are coming after a concecration for the benifit of the
poor. It is a day of sacrafice and those who are ready to sacrafice and do
their duty, and come home they may save being burned. How long will the Saints
in St. Loues remain where they are? Arise and come with the Saints of
Pottawatamie and you shall be blessed.
Benson then addressed those in attendance:
After which Ezra T. Benson arose and
exorted us, on the necessity of us as a people emigrating from these
Pottawatamie lands in mass to the Valley of the Great Salt Lake so that we
might escape the scourge and judgments that is about to come upon this nation
for the rejection of the gospel and went on to show that this call for the
Saints to come home, he said those that neglected the same would not attend
unto this counsel fo the servants of the Lord might expect to suffer loss and
perhaps have to lay their bones down here, and we was to see the fiting up of
our wagons, and those that could not get wagons was to get hand carts, and
those that could not get hand carts was to get wheelbarrows or a cow to carry a
pack upon and so make their way unto the Valley. Then he went on to state the advantageous
circumstances of the Salt
Lake Valley
that it was good soil, good houses, good water, and plenty of timber &c
&c . . .
The following evening, "the names of all those
that intended to unite themselves into a company" were taken down. Among
the 60 families listed were those of Telemichus Rogers and James Watton. Watton
reported three in his family, one wagon,
18 one cow, two hogs, and three young stock. The members
met again over the next few months to make preliminary efforts toward
emigration.
On 03 Feb 1852, the group met to discuss preparations.
"Several of the brethren said they were making ready as fast as they could
to get away, one said that he was all ready with the exception of putting a
bottom into his power horn. Captain Tidwell gave a short address with good and
wholesome counsel about getting away as early as the first of May next . .
." Later that month, the group discussed the desire for able members to
assist poor neighbors make the trip, even though it would mean leaving behind
possessions:
Captain Tidwell again arose and said you
all know the circumstance that we are in and any of you that can come and
assist in making wagons come and be on hand. Again would it be just for us to
take big heavy boxes full of clothing that perhaps in value is worth more than
the clothing and teams of those they may want to haul them, and at the same
time we have had a pretty hard time in getting teams and wagons and we want
those of the poor that expect to be took away by others to go and make bargains
with some and if they have a surplus of clothing to part with some of that for
the hauling of the rest. . . . (17 Feb).
On March 2, Telemachus Rogers reported that he would
be able to go independently; James Watton indicated that he would need partial
assistance. Captain Tidwell counselled the group to be resolute, and not to be
influenced by anyone resistant to the idea of migrating: "[L]et nothing
have any influence over your minds that may come along, and if there is any
thing that comes crossed grained into council do not trouble yourselves about
the same, I have my eye on a good many of the movements that is going on in our
midst and I am watching them, there is nobody to try, nor any body else to
counsel the people in this place in the Emigrating operations but myself and my
two counsellors. Therefore let every-one mind their own business and go right
ahead in the same. . . . I want to see this branch from here, and it is better
to get from here as soon as we can and let none of these things trouble
us."
19 Preparations continued. On April 5, Captain Tidwell
told the group, "[t]he time is fast drawing that our wagons should be
ready and seeing after our poor, When I talk of the poor it is those that are
unable to help themselves away without aid, for to come to the point we are all
poor and it is our salvation to know how we are going to the Mountains."
One week later, members reported what they could contribute or lacked. James
Watton reported, "I lack both provisions and clothing and have not wherewith
to obtain them."
On April 27, the company was organized into groups of
tens. The members then renewed discussion of means by which the poor could be
assisted; it was decided at this meeting to "sell the school-house and use
the timber therein for the benefit of the poor." The time then drew nearer
for departure. Telemachus Rogers and James Watton and families, travelling
together, agreed to take Elen Wilkshire and 50 pounds of her freight with them.
(Journal, p. 78). Telemachus had one and a half wagons, three horses,
four oxen, two cows; James Watton had two oxen and two cows. (Id., p. 79).
On May 30, Bowering reported that "[t]he last few
days Wagons has sprung up in the Camp all in full rig for crossing the Plains
like mushrooms." On June 3, the company met and decided that property not
yet sold would be left in the hands of two members who were remaining behind,
eventually to be disposed of by a committee. Telemachus Rogers, seconded by
James Watton, moved that the company sustain John Tidwell as captain. "And
it was moved and carried that we begin to move out tomorrow." The
following day, June 4, 1852, ten teams rolled out on their way to the upper
ferry.
Telemachus Rogers' teams set out on June 7. The
following evening, after the teams had reached camp, Ezra Taft Benson read the
rules to be observed by the company:
First. Prayers to be observed night and
morning.
Second. Meeting to be held on the Sabbath.
Third. No swearing to be allowed.
Fourth. Every one to be prepared to tie up
their cattle.
Fifth. A Guard to be kept every night and
the word cried every half hour.
Sixth. Horses put into the correll for
safety every night.
Seventh. No cattle to be put in the
correll, but to be kept outside and a guard kept round them.
Eighth. No man permitted to leave the Camp
without the consent of the Captain.
Ninth. Every man to have a good gun and
ammunition.
Tenth. No gun to be put in the wagon with
a cap on to avoid accident, and put a piece of leather over the tube.
20 Eleventh. Treat your animals with the utmost kindness.
Twelveth. A Captain of fifty to be
appointed.
On June 12, the first and second tens crossed the Missouri River by the upper ferry, otherwise known as the
old Mormon Crossing. With large numbers of Mormons and Californians emigrating
through Kanesville, several ferries were in operation. The ferry operated by
Thomas Clark advertised its features:
TO EMIGRANTS. WE would say, roll up the
old Mormon Crossing opposite Winter Quarters, 10 miles above Kanesville. This
Ferry has been in full operation for five years, and each season a powerful
migration, and not the first dollars worth of property lost there, it is
decidedly the best crossing on the river, take it both sides. When the emigrant
is landed on the other side, he then has no bottom nor sloughs to cross; but in
one half mile is on the divide. We shall be ready by the middle of March, with
3 or 4 good and substantial Boats, with good bulwarks on them, which renders it
as safe as a steam Ferry. It will be manned by good sober and experienced
hands; and if the weather is good we can cross from 60 to 100 wagons in a day.
Our least best took over 34 wagons in one day. When the emigrant arrives at
Kanesville, he will take up the North West Hollow--and the roads are sound and
good all the way to the Ferry. And as we have removed the Ferry about half a
mile above town it will render it very convenient for wood and water, and for
herding cattle. We also have good foldyards, where we can fold a 1000 head at
one time.
(The Frontier Guardian, 02 Sep 1852, reproduced in
Kanesville Advertisements).
The promise of "sober and exerienced hands"
was not entirely fulfilled. Only two of the tens were able to cross on June 12.
Three days later, the company clerk reported: "This morning the remainder
of the Company crossed the river and came up to the camping ground but why we
did not cross all the wagons on Saturday was in consequence of Bro. Clark the
Ferry man devoting one of the boats entirely to the removal of Californians,
and again about an hour before sun down the boat hands were quite tipsey the
pleasures of the dram shop was more powerful than the salvations of we Mormons
. . ."
On June 14, Telemachus Rogers returned to Kanesville
upon the counsel of LDS President Ezra Taft Benson to help the poor cross the
plains. The following day, as the remaining wagons approached after crossing
the Missouri,
the company suffered their first deaths, one from cholera and one elderly woman
from being run over by the wheels of a runaway wagon. Before the journey ended,
the company would suffer eleven more
21 deaths, all from cholera and other disease. The first
cholera victim was the company's blacksmith. The company then wrote Benson to
request, "if you could spare our old companion Bro. T. Rogers to attend to
the important duties of blacksmithing we should feel obliged . . ."
A few days later, the membership adopted more bylaws:
Bye Laws for the
Government of the Guard:
First, Every man to be
ready for duty when called upon unless he is sick and not able to take his
post.
Second, Carpenters and
Blacksmiths to be released from duty when they have been at work for the
benefit of the company.
Third, Any man no
matter what is his station or calling if found asleep or otherwise neglecting
his duty, for the first offence he will be required to perform double duty, for
the second offence in addition to double duty he will be required to perform
one half days herding and for the third offense a fine of one dollar shall be
demanded, and for every additional offence the fine to be doubled.
Fourth, the money
produced by the fines imposed upon the delinquents to be paid into the
Perpetual Emigration fund for the benefit of the poor.
Bye Laws for the
Herdsmen
First, the same number
of men to be employed for herding the cattle during the day as are on Guard
during the night.
Second, Any of the
herdsmen found guilty of indolence to the neglect and danger of loosing the
cattle the same Penalties to be imposed upon the delinquents herdsmen as those
placed upon the offending Guard.
Three weeks into the trip,
the company realized that one of its members had contracted smallpox. She was
sent outside the camp, while the group decided whether to banish her. They did
not do so; instead, the company unanimously covenanted "to stand by each
other unto death under all circumstances." Another company which had
sought to travel with Tidwell's group left, afraid of the cholera and smallpox.
Members of the group were
occasionally able to enjoy recreation. On June 25, "[t]he amusements
commenced with the Salt Lake Boys singing a song, the brass band that is with
us were present and gave us some delicious and melodious music followed up
22 with dancing song singing and it concluded by some
remarks from Captain Margretts about the prospects at Salt Lake."
The company continued westward, passing graves of other pioneers who had died
along the trail.
On June 29, James Watton
had a small misfortune, which was followed by good news. The clerk reported
that he walked ahead of the company "and immediately after the company had
overtaken us we were informed that there had been a stampede in the first ten
caused by Widow Weldens horses running away but not damage done except the
breaking a ox yoke belonging to Father James Watton. Soon after ourself had
been informed of this runaway scrape, the whole company was thrown into
cheerfulness by the arrival of our old friend and brother Telemachus Rogers who
came riding up, he was received in our midst with acclamations of friendship,
and cheers, yea, all faces seemed to manifest joy on the occasion . . ."
The same day, a problem
developed with the captain of the first ten, of which Rogers and James Watton
were members. Watton seconded a motion that the captain be dropped from his
position, and Telemachus Rogers was appointed his successor. The following
month was difficult for the company. The group traversed hundreds of miles over
"sandy roads, hills and mud holes" and steep sandy bluffs, across
rivers, wet, swampy ground, and muddy creeks, through heavy wind and rain
storms, at times in heat "almost too much both for man and beast."
Nine members died, and numerous others became ill with cholera. On July 8, one
member died and six others took sick. The following day, two more died.
Travel slowed with illness
and the need for food. Rogers,
apparently an excellent shot, set out on horseback in search of food for the
company. On July 11, "Captain T. Roger and William Clark came rolling into
camp with their horses loaded down with Bafallo beef. Captain Roger first shot
it then W. Clark also shot it, and between
them they killed it and brought what they could with them, but before they had
done they were surrounded with wolves and had enough to do to keep them off
until they could get away."
Realizing that they were
about to cross a 200-mile stretch where wood could not be readily obtained,
members of the company hoped to gather timber, "but to our great
disappointment there was nothing to be had. A little willow brush and that more
scarce
23 than we had yesterday, and the grass is also poor. The
need for food also increased. On July 15, ". . . Captains Roger and
McCallough came rolling in on horse back, both bringing meat to the amount of
sixty pounds (this captain Rogers shot), and divided in their own Tens, which
caused some in the company not to feel right about it, because it was not
divided among the whole company."
The following day,
"arrangements was made for another hunt, when Captain Rogers and a few
others was choose to go out, they had not been gone above an hour when Captain
Rogers returned into camp having shot one, then seven yoke of oxen was sent out
to bring it into camp. In an hour or two they brought up the frightful monster.
When all eyes were satisfied in looking upon it, the butchers went to work and
dressed and cut it up in scientific manner. Then the several Captains shared it
out in their tens according to the size of the families." On August 3, the
company reached Laramie, Wyoming.
At various times during the
trek the group had met up with Indians, generally "quite peaceable."
On August 14, however, the company "had not been in bed many minutes
before Captain McCallough, said every man to be in the middle of the correll in
five minutes with their guns in full prim ready for duty if required. And why
all this? It was inconsequence of the herdsmen the other side of the river
giving the alarm that Indians were upon them. Every man was on hand in the time
given and necessary arrangements made for a combat if required, but while these
arrangements were preparing another cry was given that all the horses were gone
and three of the herdsmen with brave and heroic courage pursued through thick
brush and timber with only axe in hand fearlessly regarding the appearance of
Indians until they secured all the horses. . . . At the same time the cattle
was flying in all directions which was supposed by the clattering of their feet
for it was pitch dark, in fact it was a stampede past description." The
cattle were all recovered the following morning.
In mid-August the company
approached Sweetwater, Wyoming. The company clerk recorded an
admonition to be cautious because the ground was "very
saleratiously." Oxen and cattle began dying in large numbers,
"supposed by partaking of saleratious." One member lost one of his
oxen, and the other became ill. His freight was divided up among others in the
group, Telemachus Rogers and James Watton agreeing to carry 50
24 pounds. The company continued the trek, the first Ten
reaching Green River, Wyoming,
on August 30. One week later, the company came to Fort
Bridger, and continued westward into Utah Territory,
past Bear River and Weber River and over the
mountains. Finally, on September 15, 1852, company clerk Bowering wrote:
Wednesday. We passed
through the mouth of the canyon and rolled into the city in full rig and in
good health and spirits, rejoicing in the Lord God our Savior whose hand and
mercy has been over us . . . And from our hearts we say unto his name be the
praise the honor the glory, power might and majesty both now and forever and
ever Amen and Amen.
James Watton, Mary Ann, and
Richard Cantley Thaxton settled in Farmington, Davis County, Utah,
along with several of their companions from Kanesville. In the territorial
census taken in 1856, James Watton, Eliza, Clara, and Phebe Watton were
reported in Farmington.
Richard Thaxton was also a member of the household. Several houses away, the
census taker listed Mary Ann Watton, Eliza, and Sarah, near Telemachus Rogers.
Also nearby were the Adams, Eldredge, Yates, Whitlock and other families who
had accompanied the Wattons and Richard Thaxton on the trek. (It is not clear
why James and Mary Ann were listed in separate households. Separate households
often reflected the practice of polygamy, but as far as we know, James did not
have more than one wife at the time.)
In 1857, James Watton and
Telemachus Rogers were both privates in the "Rough & Ready" 5th
Battalion, 1st Regiment of Infantry, mustered in at Farmington. Watton reported one musket on
hand. (Muster Rolls, Davis
County).
James and Mary Ann
continued to reside in Farmington
until Watton's death 06 Feb 1880. (1860 census, Davis Co., Utah; 1870
census, Davis Co., Utah; Will of James Watton, Record of wills, Davis Co.,
Utah, pp. 48-51; Genealogies of the High Priest Quorum, Davis Stake). James
drafted his will 27 Aug 1877, being "of sound mind but of feeble
health." In the will, probated in October 1880, Watton bequeathed his real
estate in Farmington
to Mary Ann for the remainder of her natural life, after which the property was
to go to the "Trustee in Trust of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day
Saints." The will was witnessed by Alice Stayner, and proved by Arthur
Stayner and Louise Stayner of Farmington.
25 In 1880, Mary Ann was living alone in Farmington. She could not read or write. (1880
census, Davis Co., Utah).
Within a few years, she married a well-known widower in the area, Abraham
Rose. Rose was born 05 Oct 1803 in Oneida,
New York, a son of Abraham Rose
and Rachel Haws. He was baptized into the LDS
Church by Orson Hyde, and later joined
the Mormons in Nauvoo, Hancock Co., Illinois.
He moved to Utah in 1853, locating in Farmington, Davis
County.
Rose died 09 Sept 1884 in Farmington. Mary Ann died
in February 1886 and is buried in the Farmington
Cemetery, Davis County,
near Abraham Rose and Abraham's first wife. (Gravestone). The same month
as Mary Ann's death, family members had Williamson Thaxton baptized. (LDS
Family History Library records).
Williamson Thaxton and Mary
Ann Sherry apparently had four children:
Son Thaxton - born by 1830.
Williamson's household in the 1830 census of Allen Co., Kentucky, included a male under 5. Family
tradition is that Williamson and Mary Ann had four children, so this male may
be a child.
+James William Thaxton -
born 22 Aug 1830-32 in Illinois.
See section below on James William Thaxton of San Pete,
Washington, and Kane Cos., Utah.
Son Thaxton - probably born
about 1834 in Illinois.
Family tradition includes a son born between James and William, which is also
consistent with the gap in birth dates.
+Richard Cantley Thaxton -
born 04 Jan 1837. See section below on Richard Cantley Thaxton of Davis Co., Utah.
* * *
JAMES WILLIAM
THAXTON (< Williamson < Thomas)
of San
Pete, Washington, and Kane Cos., Utah
James William Thaxton, son
of Williamson Thaxton and Mary Ann Sherry, was born 22 Aug 1830 in Fulton Co., Illinois. Although we
have seen some references by family historians to a middle name of Williamson,
James identified his middle name as William in his pension application.
Several different birth
dates and places are found for James. In a contemporary record of members of
the LDS Church
for Rockville, Washington Co., Utah,
James' birth date is stated as 22 Aug 1830. (Record of members, Rockville,
Washington Co., Utah).
26 4Another contemporary record gives James' birth date as 29 Aug
1831. (Genealogy of the President and Members of the Forty Eighth Quorum of
Seventies). Census records are somewhat consistent: As of 24 Sep 1850,
James was reported as 17 years old; 08 Jun 1860, 28 years old; 1870, 38 years
old; 1880, 49 years old. In the 1900 census, James' birth date was given as
August 1830. James' death record states that he died 25 Jun 1903, age 72 years.
In 1910, James' widow Helen stated inconsistently that James had enrolled in a
cavalry unit on 19 Jul 1853 at the age of 30, and that James died 25 Jun 1903,
age 73 years. (Affidavit Concerning Service in Indian Wars Within the State
of Utah and
of Service Relating Thereto, Helen Thaxton).
5We have seen some family records indicating a birthplace of
Quincy, Adams Co., Illinois, and one
contemporary record also says Quincy.
(Genealogy of the President and Members of the Forty Eighth Quorum of
Seventies). However, the evidence points pretty clearly to Fulton County.
In his application for
pension, James also states that he was born in Fulton Co., Illinois, on 22 Aug 1830, and we believe
that to be the correct date.4
Contemporary records,
James’ pension, and James' death record indicate that he was born in Fulton
Co., Illinois.
(Record of members, Rockville, Washington Co., Utah; death record James W. Thaxton;
application for pension). Considering that Williamson Thaxton enlisted in
the Black Hawk War from Fulton
County in early 1832,
that location seems probable.5
James W. was living with
his mother and step-father in Pottawotamie Co., Iowa, in September 1850, but apparently left
during the next year. James had located in Utah
by July 1853, when he enlisted at Manti, San Pete Co., Utah, in a Cavalry company commanded by
Nelson D. Higgins, to serve in the Indian conflicts. (Affidavit Concerning
Service in Indian Wars Within the State of Utah and of Service Relating Thereto, Helen
Thaxton). The Indian conflicts had developed in spite of efforts to keep
peace by Mormon leaders:
In the summer of 1853,
the Indian war, known as the Walker War, broke out in Utah. About the middle of this month --
July, Walker
with his brother Appropine (pronounced Arapeen) with their bands were camped on
Peteetneet creek, at the mouth of the canyon above Payson, and someone from
Springville, seeing an Indian whipping his squaw, took her part, and gave the
Indian a severe whipping, from which it is said he died. He belonged to this
tribe, and Walker
was made, "heap tobuc," they said. Arropine was very anxious to
strike the first blow in revenge; he took a number of his warriors, rode down
to Payson on the 18th July; they made no outward demonstration; the whites
received them kindly and gave them
27 food. On their leaving town to start back to camp in
the evening, they shot and killed Alexander Keel, who was standing guard near
the fort. Arropine hastened back to camp, told Walker what had been done, and immediately
the word was given to break camp; wick-e-ups were quickly packed and a retreat
up Payson canyon commenced, for they well knew what would follow.
Gov. [Brigham] Young,
upon hearing of the outbreak, wrote the following letter to Walker:
Great Salt Lake City, July 25, 1853.
Capt. Walker:
I send you some tobacco
for you to smoke in the mountains when you get lonesome. You are a fool for
fighting your best friends, for we are the best friends, and the only friends
that you have in the world. Everybody else would kill you if they could get a
chance. If you get hungry send some friendly Indian down to the settlement and
we will give you some beef-cattle and flour. If you are afraid of the tobacco
which I send you, you can let some of your prisoners try it first, and then you
will know that it is good. When you get good natured again, I should like to
see you. Don't you think you should be ashamed? You know that I have always
been your best friend.
Brigham Young
The Indians, in their
retreat through the mountains, drove off a yoke of cattle belonging to John Edmiston
of Manti, and in the night they passed by the camp of George Peacock and Barney
Ward, who were in the mountains southeast of Manti. These men heard them, and
in the morning following the trail a distance. This was the first warning Manti
had, and fearing that Peacock and Ward had been killed, Riley G. Clark, Will
Henry Peacock and John Lowry started to go to their camp to learn their fate,
or to render assistance if needed; however, before they reached the camp they
met Peacock and Ward and all five returned to Manti in safety.
(History of Manti, M. F.
Farnsworth, compilation of news articles pre-dating 1892, pp. 21-23).
James William Thaxton was
one of the Manti residents mustered into service during the "Walker
War." He enlisted 19 Jul 1853, and was released 15 Oct 1853. During his
enlistment, James "served as home guard at Manti." James' service was
attested to by John Lowry, one of the men who went after Peacock and Ward, and
who was involved in the commencement of Indian troubles a dozen years later in
1865.
28 Lowry, then 81 years old, attested to James' service
in an affidavit dated 17 Feb 1910. George Allred of Ephraim, San Pete County, aged 72, also submitted an affidavit
regarding James' service dated 04 Feb 1910. (Affidavit Concerning Service in
Indian Wars Within the State of Utah
and of Service Relating Thereto; James Thaxton).
James Thaxton married Helen
Marion Averett 15 Jul 1855 in the Manti Temple, San Pete Co., Utah. Helen was the oldest child of Elijah
Averett and Cherrizade Bernice Grimes. She was born 28 Oct 1830 in Hamilton
Co., Illinois.
James W. and Helen lived in
San Pete
County for several years. James was
ordained a member of the 48th Quorum of the Seventies within the LDS Church
on May 17, 1857. (Record of Members, Rockville,
Utah; Genealogy of President and
Members of 48th Quorum of the Seventies). In the 1860 census of San Pete County, James, Helen, and children "Cheryjade"
[Cherrizade], James W., and Elijah M. appeared as residents of Manti City.
James was listed as a farmer, with $400 worth of real estate, and $300 worth of
personal property.
In late 1861, James and
family left San Pete
County for Washington Co., Utah. The Church was actively making efforts
to settle southern Utah.
Brigham Young called three groups to establish a mission in Washington County
during 1861 and 1862. Among those called were C. G. Averet, Alma and Joseph
Millett, James Lemmon, and Oliver DeMille. (A History of Rockville, Utah
1862-1972, Wayne Stout, p. 1). In addition, other families went to southern
Utah to help
the colonization efforts:
Finally, the Dixie volunteers were offended when they failed to
receive a call. These men had a natural talent for pioneer life. Many of them
asked for the privilege to go. Others went without permission. Those who landed
in the Rockville
area were:
29 John Beal, Martin Cheney, William R. Crawford, Daniel
and John Dennett, Franklin Elders, Charles Griffin, Edward Hepworth, Gottlieb
Hirschi, Henry Holiday, Cyrus Jennings, John Langston, George Lewis, Jacob and
Robert McClure, David Morris, William and David Patton, John Rolph, Ezra
Stevens, Charles F. Stevenson, Henry Stocks, A Stanworth, James Thaxton, and
David Williams.
(Id., p. 2).
In November [1861] the
roads above Virgin
City was crowded with
covered wagons caring home-seekers to the promised land. By December, the camp
above Adventure was a town of covered wagons. These home-seekers were from
Sanpete. Before the Christmas day rains began, the hardy pioneers were on the
move up the valley. They saw that Adventure was already over-crowded, so they
moved on up the valley, failed to recognize Rockville as a potential site and stopped at
the forks of the river. There they found James F. Lemmon had laid claim to a
30-acre plot suitable for agriculture. Two men in the party, Isaac Behunim and
William Black laid claim to adjacent grazing lands which they later abandoned.
The main body of
home-seekers moved on up the East Fork to an Indian village, arriving January
20, 1862 after traveling for 26 days during the 49-day storm. Traveling in the
heavy mud, no roads, must have been a terrific ordeal. Having arrived in the
rain storm, 16 days before the rains stopped, made it difficult to start home
making. During the rest of the storm, little progress could be made in building
homes and clearing subbery for agriculture.
. . . Those January
arrivals in Shonesburg with the Demilles were: George Petty, Hardin Whitlock,
Samuel K. Gifford, William Riggs, Daniel Washburn, Hyrum Stevens, Charles
Clapper, Alma Millett, James Thaxton, and John Allred.
(Id., p. 10).
"[Shonesburg] was
limited by the small amount of land, although there were good pasture lands
adjacent. The floods which washed away many a dam and ditch put in by the
settlers, washed away much of the little available land." (I Was Called
to Dixie, Andrew Karl Larson, 1961, p. 99.) As James W. Thaxton's
granddaughter later wrote,
The family established
residence in Shonesburg and for a short time lived in Rockville. Both towns were in Kane County.
Though these two towns
30 were only about 4 miles apart, early settlers reminds
one that Shonesburg was of somewhat higher elevation than Rockville, it being
out of "The Canyon" confines, and Rockville, along with several
settlements, were nestled in the low slung canyon.
Here at Shonesburg the
ground was fertile and the climate next to tropical. One handicap, however, and
that was the unpredictable Virgin River. Fed
by melting mountain snow in spring and often in summer fed to flood stage by
torrential rains, this river is no respector of anything that lies within its
path and that path extended far beyond the confines of its normal banks. Even
so, this stream supplied irrigation water for all farms.
(Life History of Elijah
Richard Thaxton and Olive Mariah Lemmon, Eldona Thaxton Goodrich, ca 1979, p.
I-1).
"Less than a hundred
acres was cultivated in 1866, the year in which the place was temporarily
abandoned because of Indian trouble." (Larson, p. 99.) The Indian
trouble referred to began in 1865:
Black Hawk, Utah's "Red
Napoleon," was a victim of the white man's injustice and inequitable
treatment. The red chief violently resented the white man's policy of unjust
discrimination. He met the challenge by assuming a very hostile attitude toward
the whites. The spark that ignited the conflagration was the failure of the
government to honor the treaty repudiation led to hostilities when John Lawry
[Lowry] disciplined a young chief for obnoxious conduct. This was the spark
that ignited the war. Several white men paid with their lives for Lawry's
unwise tactics. War was then declared by the red men. The whites took a
defensive position and only attacked in retaliation for murders committed.
(A History of Rockville,
p. 21).
In February 1866, James
Thaxton was one of a company organized to respond to the threat manifested by
recent depredations. At the time of James' enlistment, the conflict had become
quite serious:
April 9, 1865. John
Lowry had a quarrel with the Indian Chief Jake, in Manti, Sanpete Co., Utah, the Indians boasting
of having killed stock belonging to the citizens.
31 10 -- A small party of men from Manti was fired upon
by the Indians near Twelve Mile Creek, Sanpete Co., and young Peter Ludvigsen
was killed and mutilated by the savages. The same evening Elijah B. Ward and
James Anderson were killed and scalped by the Indians in Salina
Canyon, Sevier Co.,
who also drove away considerable stock.
12 -- Col. Reddick N.
Allred with 84 men, who pursued the Indians, had a dangerous encounter with
them in the mountains about fifteen miles east of Salina,
during which Jens Sorenson of Ephraim and William Kearns of Gunnison,
were killed. The company retreated to Salina.
17 -- The dead bodies
of Sorensen and Kearns were secured and brought to Salina.
May 25 -- Jens Larsen
was killed by Indians about four miles north of Fairview, Sanpete Co.
26 -- John Given, his
wife and four children were murdered and their bodies fearfully mangled by the
Indians, near Thistle
Valley about twelve miles
north of Fairview, Sanpete Co.
29 -- David Hadlock
Jones, a member of the Mormon Battalion, was killed by Indians about three
miles northwest of Fairview, Sanpete Co.
June 8 -- Col. O. H.
Irish, Superintendent of Indian Affairs, made a treaty with the principal
Indian chief in Utah
at Spanish Fork Reservation Farm, in the presence of Brigham Young and other
leading men.
July 14 -- Robert
Gillespie and Anhony Robinson were killed by Indians near Salina, Sevier Co.
18 -- The militia
under Warren S. Snow surprised a party of hostile Indians, killed twelve and
routed the rest in Grass
Valley. The command then
went east to Green River and suffered much by
long marches and for want of supplies.
26 -- The Indians
attacked Glenwood, Sevier Co., Utah,
wounded a man and drove off nearly all the stock belonging to the settlement.
Sept. 21 -- General W.
Snow had an engagement with the Indians near Fish Lake,
80 miles east of Circleville. Seven Indians were killed and Snow and two of his
men wounded.
Oct. 17 -- Martin
Pederson Kubre and wife, Elizabeth Petersen, Wm. Thorpe, Soren N. Jespersen,
Benj. J. Black and Wm. T. Hite were killed by Indians under Chief Black Hawk,
near Ephraim, Sanpete Co.
Dec. 18 -- A number of
Piede Indians made a break on Kanab, Kane Co., Utah, and stole some horses.
January 1866 -- The
Indian war in southern Utah
continued and a number of the smaller settlements were abandoned by the
settlers.
8 -- Dr. James M.
Whitmore and Robert McIntyre were killed by Piede Indians near the Pipe Springs
ranch, Kane Co., Utah.
20 -- The dead bodies
of Whitemore and McIntyre were found about four miles from Pipe Springs by a
company of armed men who also surprised the murderers camped in a narrow gulch
about twelve miles distant and killed seven of them.
32 ("Black Hawk War Chronology," Our Pioneer
Heritage, Vol. 9, pp. 189-90).
The government relied upon
local citizens to defend against the Indians. "On February 14, 1866, Mr.
[James] Andrus received Special Orders from the Headquarters Washington
Military District N. L. as follows:
You are hereby ordered
to call 30 men from your command, armed and equipped as the law directs, and
proceed forthwith in pursuit of the Indians who have committed the late
depredations in the neighborhood of Kane, who are supposed to be in the
vicinity of Pahreah Creek.
You must be vigilant
and ascertain by reconnoitering their probable strength and if they are too
numerous for your small force to punish, you will endeavor to cut off their
retreat by way of the Colorado and express to Major Maxwell for the additional
force necessary. You will also furnish Peter Shirtz and family a suitable force
necessary to convey them to the nearest settlement and keep us regularly
informed in relation to your discoveries and acts.
D. D. McArthur, Col.
Commanding
(Sketch of James Andrus,
collected by Katie Webb, reprinted in Utah Pioneer Biographies, Vol. 3, pp.
185-86).
James W. Thaxton was one of
the thirty men enlisted in response to the directive from Washington. (Id; Index to Military
Records Indian Wars 1866-67). "The company was mustered on February
20, 1866, and served until March 12, 1866, serving twenty days. The object of
the expedition was to deliver Peter Shirts and family and to protect the white
settlers while they left Kane
County. William D. Clark
was badly wounded in the foot, and three Indians were killed during the
campaign." (Sketch of James Andrus, p. 186).
The conflicts continued. On
May 2, 1866, martial law was declared. "Stake officials ordered the people
to concentrate in the larger communities for protection. Upper Virgin residents
were advised to move into Rockville
-- including Grafton,
33 Northop, Shonesurg and Springdale. Rockville soon began to burst at its seams.
Every available spot was choked with covered wagons and tents. The town became
a bubbling babylon.
. . . The population of Rockville
in December, 1866 was 430, thanks to the ‘transients’ from other towns." (A
History of Rockville, pp. 23-24). "Prior to the Indian troubles in
1866, the church membership in Rockville
was 95. During the two years the exiles were present the population went to
nearly 500 persons or about 200 families." (Id., p. 26).
James W. Thaxton and family
were among those who took shelter in Rockville
between 1866 and 1868. Thus, while James and Helen's fifth and seventh, eighth,
ninth, and tenth children were born in Shonesberg, their sixth child was born
in Rockville in
1867. The exiles began returning from Rockville
to their homes in March 1868. (Id.)
However, the Thaxton family continued to have conflicting relations with
the Indians. In the fall of 1866, James W. Thaxton's brother-in-law, Elijah
Averett, was killed by Indians while on an excursion in Southern
Utah. Some of James Thaxton's children, however, had Native
American friends. James' granddaughter Eldona Thaxton Goodrich, daughter of
Elijah Richard Thaxton, wrote: "In spite of depredations, credit must be
given where credit is due. Among dad's boyhood friends have been some Indians
and his appraisal of them ran something like this. 'When an Indian made a
promise you could depend on his keeping it. His word was as good as his bond
and his loyalty to a real friend was spectacular.'" (Goodrich, p. I-3).
James W. Thaxton and family
continued to reside in Shonesburg a few years after returning from their exile
at Rockville.
As of 1870, Shonesburg had 50 residents. (Id., p.
34 31). The following year, 1871, the pioneers faced
another serious threat. Three years earlier, in 1868, grasshoppers had done
serious damage to crops in the area:
The great
"Noah's" flood of hoppers came three years later. The grasshoppers of
1868 came in thousands, the red clouds of hoppers came in billions in 1871.
Only Noah's flood can be used in comparison. They formed great black clouds in
the sky. The people thought it was a complete eclipse of the sun. It was so
dark at noon, the farmers had to carry lanterns to find the cows. . . . It
looked as if we were going to have to stand by and see our crops completely
destroyed by grasshoppers. One day the sun suddenly became darkened and it
seemed that great clouds were covering the valley. They were not clouds,
however, but billions of grasshoppers. They settled down in the fields. They
swarmed around the windows of our houses and came into our kitchens making it
impossible to do any cooking. . . . It was terrible. They started eating our
crops. We determined to destroy them. In desperation, we went into our fields
with clubs and brooms and tried to drive them off. Some of our people put
chickens into the fields to help kill the hoppers. The chickens did eat some of
them. . . . The grasshoppers were in town a day or two and left as suddenly as
they came."
(Id., p. 32, quoting
account of John Dennett).
James farmed in the
Shonesburg area for another few years. In 1872, "[a] damaging flood hit
Shonesburg in June, which destroyed the crops and broke the dam in the creek.
The damages exceeded $1,000." (Id., p. 33). James' granddaughter
related a story of another adventure during that time period, involving her
father Elijah Richard Thaxton and uncle James William Thaxton, Jr.:
Dad recalls the summer
when he and Jim were in the teens. They left home with 4 head of oxen to plow
"the field." Despite their young ages, they were getting along rather
nicely until a man came along with 2 unbroken oxen. These were to be exchanged
for 2 of our broken critters. Grandpa and this man had previously made the
deal. After some difficulty in getting the 2 unbroken brutes into plowing
position, they continued the day's work. Uncle Jim held the plow and dad the
reins and whip, and first thing they knew all 4 oxen had taken to the hills and
before gotten under control, dad declared, "We had that whole hillside
plowed by fits and jerks."
(Goodrich, p. I-4).
35 James and Helen Thaxton's last child was born in Shonesburg
in 1873. "[A]s time went on [Shonesburg] declined and finally became a
ghost town. A bit of ranching is carried on at the present time near Oliver
DeMill's old rock house which sits atop the hill like a sentinel that watches
over a deserted battlefield." (I Was Called To Dixie, p. 99).
James and Helen continued
to reside in Shonesburg until after 1880. (1880 census, Washington Co., Utah). About the
latter part of 1887, they moved to Mount Carmel in neighboring Kane County.
Mount Carmel was "[a] village situated in the western part of Kane County,
on the Rio Virgin river, 20 miles north of Kanab, the county seat, 100 miles
from Richfield,
its banking town, and 100 from Belknap, the nearest shipping point. Agriculture
and stock raising are the only industries. Population 175." (Utah State
Gazetteer and Business Directory, 1903-1904, R. L. Polk & Co., Vol. II, p.
203).
In 1902, James W.'s son
Elijah and family left their home "on the back of Grandpa Thaxton's
lot" in Mount Carmel for their new home in Lovell, Wyoming.
Goodbyes were difficult. James' granddaughter wrote: "The last we saw of
Grandpa he was seated on a ditch bank crying. No wonder dad's heart was heavy
as lead. He never saw his parents again." (Goodrich, p. I-12).
That same year, James
applied for a pension for his service in the Indian Wars. (Application no.
7820; widow's application no. 9582.) James W. Thaxton, aged 72, post office
Mt. Carmel, Kane County, Utah, declared that he was enrolled 01 Jul 1853,
"Volunteers called out by Gov Brigham Young under command of Captain
Warren Snow in the Utah Indian war of 1853,” and was honorably discharged at
Manti, Utah, on 01
36 Dec 1853. James stated that, since leaving the
service, he had lived in the state of Utah,
and that his occupation had been that of a farmer.
As part of the application
process, on 13 Feb 1903, James answered questions put forth by the Bureau of
Pensions:
1. When were you born?
Aug 22 1830 Fulton County Illinois
2. Where were you
born? Fulton County
Illinois
3. When did you
enlist? December 1853
4. Where did you
enlist? Farmington Davis Co Utah
5. Where had you lived
before you enlisted? Farmington
Utah
6. What was your
post-office address before you enlisted?
Farmington.
7. What was your
occupation at enlistment? Blacksmith.
8. When were you
discharged? About June 1st 1854.
9. Where were you
discharged? Manti Sanpete County
Utah.
10. Where have you
lived since discharge? Came to
Washington County in
1861 and have lived there and in Kane
County ever
since
11. What is your
present occupation? Unable to do any work
12. What is your
height? 6 feet [blank] inches. Your
weight? 200 lbs. The
color of your eyes? Brown. The
color of your hair?
Brown. Your complexion? Dark. Are
there any permanent
marks or scars on your person? If so, describe
them. Tumor on right
shoulder.
13. What is your full
name? Please write it on the line below,
in ink, in the manner
in which you are accustomed to sign it, in the
presence of two
witnesses who can write. James William Thaxton (X -
his mark). Witnesses:
R. W. Jolley, Harve Moncur. Date: feb 13,
1903.
James answered additional
questions about his family:
1. Are you a married
man? If so, please state your wife's full
name, and her maiden
name. Yes, her maiden name is Hellen Everet.
2. When, where, and by
whom were you married? July 15th 1855
Elijah Everet J. P.
Manti Sanpete Co Utah
3. What record of
marriage exists? none
4. Were you previously
divorced? no
5. Have you any
children living? If so, please state their names
and the dates of their
birth. Yes 7, James W Jr. Elijah R. Mary Ann
George H, Stephen W
Emma S Hellen M.
Date of reply, feb
13th, 1903. James W Thaxton
37 James Thaxton died in Mount
Carmel a few months later, 25 Jun 1903. (Register of deaths, Kane County).
His widow continued the effort to obtain a pension, submitting an
application from Mrs. Helen M. Thaxton, Mt.
Carmel, Kane County, Utah,
aged 73. She stated that she was the widow of James W. Thaxton, who was a
private in the company commanded by John D. Chase in the Territory of Utah,
1853, in Sanpete Co. Utah. She stated that her maiden name was Helen Marion
Averett, and that she was married to James W. Thaxton on 15 Jul 1855 at Manti
in Sanpete County, Utah Territory, by Elijah Averett a justice
of the peace. She declared that James W. Thaxton died the 26 day of June, 1903,
at Mt. Carmel, Utah, where she currently resided. The
pension was denied for insufficient proof of James’ service.
Helen Averett Thaxton
died 12 Dec 1916. They had ten children:
Cherrizade Bernice Thaxton
- 07 May 1856 - 29 May 1882. She married Alfred A. Misner.
James William Thaxton, Jr.
"Jim" - 16 Mar 1858 - 09 Jan 1931. Jim never married.
Elijah Richard Thaxton - 14
Apr 1860 - 05 Nov 1931. He married Olive Maria Lemmon.
Mary Ann Thaxton - 02 Sep
1862 - 30 Jul 1934 . Mary married Alma Millett.
Elizabeth Augusta Thaxton -
13 Nov 1865 - 07 Dec 1897. She married George T. Jennings.
George Henry Thaxton - 15
Feb 1867 - 24 Fec 1929. George married Annie Maria Todd.
38 Helen Marion
Thaxton - 04 Nov 1869 - 03 Feb 1929. Helen married Harvey V. Moncur.
Stephen Williamson Thaxton
- 28 Nov 1871 - 16 Aug 1949. Stephen married Sarepta Angeline Jolley, and later
Signora Hansen.
Emma Sophronia Thaxton - 17
Feb 1873 - 18 Oct 1932. Emma married Milton Manning Jolley.
* * * * *
RICHARD CANTLEY
THAXTON (< Williamson < Thomas)
of Davis Co., Utah
Richard Cantley Thaxton,
son of Williamson Thaxton and Mary Ann Sherry, was born 04 Jan 1837 in Monroe
Co., Missouri.
Richard moved with his mother and step-father to Pottawatomie Co., Iowa, and from there to Utah in 1852. Richard and family settled in Farmington, Davis
County.
In 1855, Richard was
re-baptized by Abraham Rose (who later married Richard's mother). He was
confirmed the same date by Ira Oviatt, who had lived near Richard's family in Iowa, and M. G. Wilson. (Record
of Members, Book A, p. 78).
During the Civil War,
Richard enlisted in the 3rd Regiment of California Infantry. (Although this was
designated as a California unit, it had early been dispatched to Utah in 1862
to protect the territory.) Richard enlisted 18 May 1864 at Camp Douglas, Utah,
where the regiment was stationed much of the war, primarily providing
protection for the overland mail service.
Richard's enlistment is
particularly interesting because of a longstanding public dispute between Col.
Patrick Connor, commander of Camp
Douglas and the soldiers
39 stationed there, and Brigham Young, leader of the LDS Church.
Throughout the War years, Connor and Young fought a bitter war of words,
through writings in Connor’s camp newspaper The Union Vidette and
discourses by Young. (Brigham Madsen, Glory Hunter: A Biography of Patrick
Edward Connor, 1991.)
After transferring from
Company C to Company B of the Third Infantry, Richard was reported to have
"deserted from camp while en route for Camp douglas,
U. T., Oct. 13, 1865." (Records of California Men in the War of the
Rebellion, 1861 to 1867, pp. 542, 552). In actuality, the Regiment had
essentially completed its service, and disbanded shortly after returning from Denver.
We have not located Richard
in the 1870 or 1880 censuses. On May 16, 1882, Richard married Mary Rebecca
Martin in Davis Co., Utah.
Mary was a daughter of George Douglas Martin and Sarah Watton. (Sarah Watton
was a daughter of James Watton and his first wife, Selina Humphreys.) Mary was
born 27 Jan 1856 in St. Louis, Missouri,
and had moved to Utah
less than two years before her marriage. (Family records; 1880 St. Louis MO,
Dist. 94).
Richard was a member of the
56th Quorum of the Seventy within the LDS Church.
He died at Mount Carmel, Kane Co., Utah,
14 Feb 1900. (Family records). In the census taken in April of that
year, Mary and son Arden were residing with her mother Sarah in Salt Lake City. Mary died
17 Mar 1918. The Davis County Clipper of 29 Mar 1918 reported her death:
Mrs. Mary Thaxton of
Farmington died at the Salt Lake county infirmary a week ago Sunday, and was
buried in the Farmington Cemetery on Wednesday of last [week]. She was in her
63rd year and had been a helpless invalid for several years, and the last ten
months she had been in the infirmary.
40 41 Richard Cantley Thaxton and Mary Rebecca Martin had
one child, Arden Martin Thaxton. Arden was born
18 Jun 1883 in Farmington, Davis County.
(Record of Members, Farmington; Genealogical
Record of Arden Martin Thaxton in Records &
Historical Sketches of Residents of Davis
County, Utah). In
1916, Arden Martin described his background as follows:
My parents were
Americans descendants of English parentage. I don't meddle with Politics very
much, I am a Socialist if anything. I was born and raised a Latter Day Saint.
My occupation at present is an Elevator constructor. I have never been a user
of tobacco, tea coffee or intoxicating drinks. I was born in Farmington
my [family] moved to Salt
Lake. I didn't have the
chance to attend school only about four years. Due to circumstances I went to
work at thirteen years of age. . . .
(Historical Sketch, Arden
Martin Thaxton, Records & Historical Sketches of Residents of Davis
County, Utah, Part 8, comp. 1916).
Arden Martin Thaxton married
Olive Lavinia Carr. Arden and Olive continued to live in Utah
for many years, moving to California
prior to their deaths. Olive died 02 Feb 1951 at Monterey
Park in Los Angeles Co., California.
She was buried in Farmington,
Utah. (Obituary; gravestone). Arden died 25 Mar 1960 at San Gabriel,
California, and was buried in Farmington. (Id.)
